Friday, 25 July 2014

Native American Languages

Native American Languages
IINTRODUCTION
Native American Languages, indigenous languages of the native peoples of North, Middle, and South America. Scholars can only guess at the total number of languages once spoken by Native Americans; many of these languages disappeared before they could be documented. When Europeans arrived on the North American continent in the late 15th century, about 300 distinct languages were in use. Little more than half of these languages survive today and the number of languages continues to diminish as fewer and fewer children learn to speak them. In Middle America (Mexico and Central America) experts have identified approximately 300 languages, of which about half are still spoken. Only about 350 of an estimated 1,500 native languages in South America are still spoken. These, too, are disappearing rapidly.
IIMAJOR LANGUAGES
Native American languages are spoken by far more people in Middle and South America than in North America. The languages most widely spoken belong to the Quechua family. About 8 million people, most of them in Bolivia, Ecuador, and Peru, speak Quechuan languages. Another language in that region, Aymara, has about 2.2 million speakers. Guaraní is spoken by about 90 percent of Paraguay’s population, nearly 5 million people; it is also spoken in Brazil, Argentina, and Bolivia. Nahuatl has more than 1 million speakers, most of them in Mexico. Several Mayan languages spoken in southern Mexico and Central America have more than 500,000 speakers.
North American languages with the largest numbers of speakers include Navajo (150,000), Inuit (70,000), Ojibwa (45,000), Cree (35,000), Sioux (20,000), Choctaw (18,000), Central Alaskan Yupik (12,000), Tohono O’odham (12,000), and Creek (6,000). All of these languages are in danger of disappearing. Today the majority of North American languages are spoken primarily by elderly people, in some cases by no more than a handful.
IIIFEATURES OF NATIVE AMERICAN LANGUAGES
Because of the great diversity of languages in the Americas there is great variety in their structure. Some have relatively few distinct sounds—Mohawk, a language of the Northeast in the United States, has just 15—whereas others have a great number—Tlingit, spoken in the Northwest, has 49. By comparison, American English has around 40.
Many Native American languages have sets of sounds called ejectives or glottalized consonants, such as t’ and k’. Speakers pronounce ejectives by building up air pressure in the mouth and releasing the sounds with a pop. Some of the languages distinguish consonants pronounced with rounded lips from those formed with unrounded lips; for example, there are two kinds of k sounds. Many of the languages contain uvular sounds, which are produced farther back in the mouth than the English k. Other languages, particularly those in California, distinguish between ñ, pronounced nyuh and made with the tip of the tongue against the teeth, and Ñ, pronounced with the tongue farther back, as in the -ing in dancing. In some Native American languages, pronouncing a syllable in a higher or lower pitch can change the meaning of a word.
Prefixes (additions to the front of a word, as un in unkind) and suffixes (additions to the end of a word, as ment in arrangement) convey a variety of meanings in Native American languages. On the Pacific Coast many languages use prefixes to make elaborate distinctions pertaining to direction and location. Prefixes can carry such meanings as “inside,” “outside,” “into,” “through,” “upward,” “downward,” “uphill,” “downhill,” “upriver,” “downriver,” and even “emerging from woods” and “deep in the woods, not visible from the village.” Prefixes also can indicate the way in which something is done. For example, in Central Pomo, a language of California, different prefixes added to a verb can indicate how something is toppled: by kicking, pushing, sitting too close, jabbing or poking, or shooting at it. Other prefixes added to the verb topple have a less literal meaning. Adding a prefix that means “by soaring” indicates “to fly away,” “by biting” indicates “to overeat,” and “by speaking” indicates “to get the best of someone in an argument.”
Many Native American languages compose words out of several meaningful parts. For example, a speaker of Barbareño Chumash, a language of southern California, can convey “We will quietly lock them up” in a single, seven-part word. To a root word meaning “lock,” prefixes are added to indicate who is doing the locking up, how many are involved, that the action is to take place in the future, and that it is a small or quiet action. Suffixes indicate that the locking up affects someone as well as how many people it affects.
IVNATIVE AMERICAN WRITING SYSTEMS
Long before the arrival of Europeans in the Americas, several hieroglyphic writing systems had developed in Middle America. These scripts, named for the groups who used them, include Aztec, Mixtec, Zapotec, Epi-Olmec, and Maya. Most of these writing systems used symbols to stand for whole words or word roots. Maya writing, however, is a mixed script in which rebuses augment symbols. In a rebus (a kind of pictorial pun) the sign for one word can represent another that sounds like it. In an English rebus, for example, a picture of an eye can stand for the pronoun I. In Maya, a depiction of a torch (tah) was used to represent the word ta, meaning “in” or “at.” From these rebuses phonetic signs developed to represent syllables made up of a consonant and a vowel. The hieroglyphic texts of Middle America largely relate histories of rulers and their births, offices, marriages, and deaths.
Writing systems for a number of Native American languages developed after the arrival of Europeans. Some of these are syllabaries, in which each symbol represents a syllable (typically a consonant and a vowel). The Cherokee leader Sequoyah developed a Cherokee syllabary in the early 19th century. Methodist missionary James Evans developed a Cree syllabary, used by Cree and Ojibwa speakers, in the late 1830s. An Eskimo syllabary, based on the Cree syllabary, is used by the Inuit of the Canadian Arctic and Alaska. The Western Great Lakes syllabary, also called the Fox syllabary, is used by Fox, Sac (Sauk), Kickapoo, Potawatomi, Winnebago, and some Ojibwa speakers. Other systems are alphabetic, with separate letters for each consonant and each vowel.
VNATIVE AMERICAN ADDITIONS TO ENGLISH
Native American languages have greatly contributed to the vocabularies of European languages, especially place names and terms for plants, animals, and items of native culture. The name Canada comes from the Laurentian Iroquois word kanata meaning “settlement.” Mississippi comes from the words for big (mitsi) and river (sitpi) in an Algonquian language, probably Ojibwa or Cree. Alaska derives from the Aleut word for the Alaskan Peninsula, alakhskhakh. Minnesota stems from Sioux words for water (mni) and clear (sota). Nebraska is from the Omaha name for the Platte River, nibdhathka, meaning “flat river.” Oklahoma was coined from the Choctaw term for Indian Territory, which combined okla, meaning “people” or “nation,” and homa, meaning “red.” Tennessee originates from tanasi, the Cherokee name for the Little Tennessee River. Texas is from the Caddo word tyóa for friend and was an area where tribes allied with the Caddo were living. The names Mexico, Guatemala, and Nicaragua all have their source in the Nahuatl language.
The largest number of English nouns borrowed from Native American languages come from Algonquian languages, the languages first encountered by English settlers. Among these nouns are caribou, chipmunk, hickory, hominy, moccasin, moose, opossum, papoose, persimmon, powwow, raccoon, skunk, squash, squaw, toboggan, tomahawk, and totem. Eskimo languages contributed such words as igloo and kayak. The term teepee or tipi originates from the Sioux word for dwelling.
From Nahuatl, spoken in Middle America, come avocado, cacao, cocoa, chile/chili, chocolate, coyote, tamale, tomato, and many others. Contributions from South American languages include jaguar, cashew, tapioca, and toucan from Tupinambá; alpaca, condor, jerky, llama, puma, and quinine from Quechua; and barbecue, canoe, guava, hammock, hurricane, iguana, maize, papaya, and potato from Maipurean (Arawakan).
Native American languages, in turn, have borrowed words from European languages. Borrowings from Russian appear in languages along the Pacific Coast from Alaska to California. They include the Yupik word kass’aq, meaning “white man,” from the Russian word kazak’ (Cossack in English), and the Pomo word tûlqa, meaning “broken glass,” from the Russian butylka (bottle in English). Many borrowings from Spanish appear in native languages of California, the American Southwest, and Middle America. French loans occur in languages of eastern Canada, such as the Mohawk word rakarçns, meaning “barn,” from the French la grange. English loans are common in many native languages of North America.
Some Native American languages share certain words that they have taken from one another. A term for buffalo, similar to yanis, appears in Choctaw, Cherokee, Catawba, and Biloxi, among other languages. Because these languages belong to different families and have not evolved from a common ancestral language, the word cannot be a common inheritance but must have been adopted by people in contact with each other.
Borrowed words also reveal much about cultural history. Mixe-Zoquean languages, for example, have contributed many words to other languages of Middle America. Linguists see these borrowings as evidence that the Olmecs, who founded the first highly successful civilization in Middle America around 1500 bc, spoke a Mixe-Zoquean language.
VINATIVE AMERICAN PIDGINS AND TRADE JARGONS
To facilitate trade, a number of trade languages known as pidgins developed in the Americas, especially after the arrival of Europeans. A pidgin is a language with an extremely limited vocabulary and a simplified grammar that enables people with different native languages to communicate. One of the better-known pidgins in the Americas is Eskimo Trade Jargon, used in the 19th century by Inuit when dealing with whites and members of other Native American groups on Copper Island in the Aleutian Islands. Others include Mednyj Aleut, used in the 19th century by descendants of a mixed Russian-Aleut population in the Aleutian Islands; Chinook Jargon, used during the first half of the 19th century by Native Americans and white settlers in the Northwest along the Pacific Coast; and Michif (also called Metchif, Métis, and French Cree), used currently by descendants of French-speaking fur traders and Algonquian women on the Turtle Mountain reservation in North Dakota. In South America, Nheengatu or Lingua Geral Amazonica developed in northern Brazil for communication among people of Native American, European, and African origin.
VIIAMERICAN INDIAN SIGN LANGUAGE
Sign language became a common means of communication for tribes on the Great Plains, a phenomenon familiar from motion pictures and popular fiction. The Kiowa are renowned as excellent sign talkers, while in the northern Plains the Crow helped spread this method of communication to others. Plains sign language eventually spread as far as the Canadian provinces of British Columbia, Alberta, Saskatchewan, and Manitoba. Not all Plains tribes conversed in sign language with equal proficiency, however.
VIIICLASSIFICATION
Scholars classify languages into families according to their origins. For example, English, German, Russian, Greek, Hindi, and many other languages of Europe and Asia belong to the Indo-European language family because they all descend from a single language known as Proto-Indo-European. Classifying Native American languages into families presents a number of challenges because so little written documentation exists for many of the languages. As a result, experts must infer much of what is known about the early development and characteristics of these languages from modern information.
The first general classification was suggested in 1891 by American geologist and explorer John Wesley Powell. On the basis of superficial similarities he noticed among vocabularies, he proposed that the languages of North America constituted 58 independent families. At the same time, American anthropologist Daniel Brinton proposed 80 families for South America. These two classifications of language families form the basis of subsequent classifications.
In 1929 American linguist and anthropologist Edward Sapir tentatively proposed classifying these language families into 6 large groups in North America and 15 in Middle America. In 1987 American linguist Joseph Greenberg hypothesized that the indigenous languages of the Americas could be grouped into 3 superfamilies: Eskimo-Aleut (now called Inuit-Aleut or Eskimaleut), Na-Dené, and Amerind. The postulated Amerind superfamily was said to contain the majority of Native American languages and be divided into 11 branches. However, nearly all specialists reject Greenberg’s classification.
As linguists learn more about Native American languages, they can better distinguish between similarities in vocabulary and grammar that result from borrowings and similarities that are the consequences of a common ancestral language. The classification most linguists endorse today places about 55 independent language families in North America, 15 in Middle America, and about 115 in South America.
IXLANGUAGE FAMILIES IN THE UNITED STATES AND CANADA
As we move from east to west in North America, the number of Native American language families increases. Three major families exist in the East, whereas 20 are found in California alone.
The first Native American languages Europeans encountered and recorded in North America were the Algonquian languages, and they are among the better-known native languages. The Algonquian languages belong to the Algic family, which stretches from Labrador in eastern Canada to North Carolina in the south and westward across the Plains to California. Among the languages in this group are Abenaki, Massachuset, Narragansett, and Mohegan in the East and Shawnee, Fox-Sac-Kickapoo, Potawatomi, Ojibwa, Cree, Menominee, and Cheyenne on the Plains. Iroquoian, another major language family in the Northeast, includes Mohawk, Oneida, and Onondaga, as well as Cherokee in the South. The Muskogean family in the Southeast includes Choctaw-Chickasaw and Creek.
Two major language families on the prairies are Siouan and Caddo. Siouan languages, which include Assiniboine, Crow, Sioux (also known as Dakota, Nakota, or Lakota), and Winnebago, extend from the Canadian provinces of Alberta and Saskatchewan south through Montana and the Dakotas into Arkansas and Mississippi, with some members in the Carolinas. Caddoan includes Caddo, Pawnee, and Wichita.
The Uto-Aztecan language family spans a wide area from Oregon to Central America. Languages in this family include Northern Paiute in the northwest, Comanche in Oklahoma, and Ute, Hopi, and Nahuatl in Mexico. See also Aztec Empire.
The Eskimo-Aleut family stretches from Greenland across northern Canada, into Alaska and the Aleutian Islands, and finally to Siberia in eastern Russia. The Athapaskan-Eyak-Tlingit family, which extends from Alaska to New Mexico, includes Eyak and Tlingit in Alaska and Athapaskan languages in western Canada, northern California, and the Southwest. The Apachean branch of this family, in the Southwest, includes Navajo and Apache.
Other major families of the northwest coastal region are Tsimshian, Salishan, and Chinookan. A number of additional families are found in California.
XLANGUAGE FAMILIES IN MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA
Fifteen families of languages are native to Mexico and Central America. Some of these families, such as Uto-Aztecan, overlap into North America, and others, such as Chibchan (see Chibcha) and Maipurean, extend from South America into Middle America.
The Maya family consists of 31 languages spoken principally in southern Mexico, Guatemala, and Belize. Chol was the main language during the Classic period of Maya civilization, from about ad 300 to 900. It was joined later by Yucatec Maya. Several Mayan languages have many speakers, including Yucatec Maya with 700,000, K’iche’ with 675,000, Mam with 500,000, and Kaqchikel with 375,000. More people speak each of these languages than speak all the Native American languages in Canada and the United States combined. However, other languages in the Mayan family have very few speakers; two are already extinct.
The Otomanguean family contains about 30 languages, in a geographic area that extends from northern Mexico to Nicaragua. The most widely spoken Otomanguean languages are Zapotec with 425,000, Mixtec with 300,000, and Otomi with 225,00,000 speakers.
The Mixe-Zoquean family is of special importance because the Olmecs, who founded the first great civilization of Middle America about 1200 bc, appear to have spoken a language in this family. Today, a dozen or so Mixe-Zoquean languages are spoken in southern Mexico.
Another large family is Uto-Aztecan, which extends from the Western United States through Mexico and into Central America. It includes Nahuatl, the language of the ancient civilizations of the Toltecs, which lasted from the 10th to 13th centuries, and the Aztecs, which lasted from the 14th to 16th centuries, and their modern descendents. More than 1 million people speak Nahuatl today.
Several languages of the Chibchan family are spoken in lower Central America, including Paya, Rama, Bribri, and Guaymi, while most Chibchan languages are found in northern South America. A number of smaller families and isolated languages are also found in Middle America. They include the Tequistlatecan family in Mexico, the Xincan family in Guatemala, the Jicaque family in Honduras, and the Lencan family in Honduras and El Salvador.
XILANGUAGE FAMILIES IN SOUTH AMERICA
Linguists have had much difficulty in classifying South American languages. Although linguists have grouped the approximately 1,500 languages into 118 distinct families and isolates, considerable descriptive and historical research remains to be done in order to gain a clearer understanding of these languages.
The Maipurean (or Arawakan) family covers the widest area in the western hemisphere of any native language family. Languages in this family are spoken throughout the Antilles; in Belize, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua; and in all South American countries except Uruguay and Chile. Of the 65 languages in this family, 31 are now extinct. One of the extinct languages, Taíno, was the first Native American language encountered by Columbus. Taíno contributed many words to Spanish and other European languages. Maipurean languages that are still spoken include Baniva (Venezuela), Maipure (Colombia and Venezuela), Arawak or Locono (Guyana, Surinam, French Guiana, and Venezuela), Garifuna or Black Carib (Belize, Guatemala, Honduras), Amuesha (Peru), and Piro (Brazil, Peru).
Languages in the Quechua family have more speakers than any other family in the Americas—about 8 million in all. More than half the speakers live in Peru, where Quechua and Spanish are the two official languages. Quechua was the language of the ancient Inca civilization, which flourished from the mid-1400s to the mid-1500s. Quechuan languages are spoken in the region of the Andes Mountains in Colombia, Ecuador, Bolivia, and Argentina, in addition to Peru.
Aymaran is another large language family of the Andes region. The dominant language in the family, Aymara, has about 2.2 million speakers in Bolivia, Chile, Peru, and Argentina.
The language family Chibchan stretches from northern South America into Central America. Chibchan languages include Tiribi, Bribri, and Boruca (Costa Rica); Guaymi (Panama); Paya (Honduras); Rama (Nicaragua); Kuna (Panama, Colombia); and Cagaba or Kogi (Colombia). The now extinct Muisca (or Chibcha) was the language of an advanced civilization in Colombia at the time of the Spanish conquest (early 1500s).
The extensive Tupian family includes the Tupí-Guaraní branch that alone contains about 30 languages spoken in Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Paraguay, Peru, and Venezuela. Guaraní has close to 5 million speakers in Paraguay; about 90 percent of the Paraguayan population speak Guaraní, and about 75 percent speak Spanish. The Guaraní branch of the family consists of nine languages, spoken in Paraguay, Argentina, Bolivia, and Brazil. Tupí, an important language in colonial times, has contributed a number of words to the vocabulary of Spanish and other European languages.
Languages in the Cariban family are spoken mainly in Brazil, Colombia, French Guiana, Guyana, Surinam, and Venezuela. Many of the 45 languages in this family are extinct, however. The earliest references to Cariban speakers come from the 15th-century journals of Spanish Italian navigator Christopher Columbus. The Arawakan peoples Columbus encountered spoke of the fierce Caniba or Canima, their term for the Carib tribe and the source of our word cannibal (flesh-eater). Other important language families in South America include Pano-Tacanan languages of Bolivia, Brazil, and Peru; Ge languages of Brazil; and Shuar languages of Ecuador and Peru.
XIILANGUAGE ENDANGERMENT
Today, about 150 of the approximately 300 languages native to North America remain, but only 50 of these are widely spoken. Many of these languages will disappear within a generation. Language extinction is also a serious problem in Latin America. Languages evolve over the course of centuries to meet the needs of their speakers and to convey the thoughts these speakers choose to express. Each language shows us a unique way of understanding experience; the loss of a language means the loss of all that could be learned through the study of that language about human values, oral literature and tradition, history, and human thought.

Native American Art

Native American Art
 
IINTRODUCTION
Native American Art, the visual works crafted by indigenous people of North America, starting after their arrival on the continent thousands of years ago and continuing until the present. These works may be painted, carved, woven, sewn, or built, and can incorporate such materials as feathers, porcupine quills, tree bark, animal skins and hair, and wood. They encompass a variety of objects, including clothing and jewelry, blankets and rugs, masks, totem poles, baskets, and bowls. Today, some Native American artists produce mainstream contemporary art—paintings on canvas, photographs, and performance art—while others continue to make art based on long-standing traditions. For information about native building traditions, see Native American Architecture.
Many Native American artworks were intended for use in daily life as well as in ceremonies and rituals. Some items were made as garments or to store food. The ceremonies and rituals served various functions, including healing and maintaining success in hunting and farming, and they expressed beliefs about the relationship of Native Americans with the universe and the world around them. These beliefs gave shape and meaning to Native American art. Masks worn in healing ceremonies, for example, helped specialists in those rituals communicate with the spirit world. Carved wooden totem poles of the Pacific Northwest recorded family histories, and they were presented and displayed at elaborate ceremonies that helped the family preserve its history and status within the community. To serve its purpose effectively, a work of art was expected to be skillfully crafted and beautiful to its viewers.
No written records of Native American life exist before contact with Europeans during the 1500s, and so scholars consider the period before contact as prehistoric. During that time and afterward, Native Americans passed down their histories, traditions, and beliefs through their art, their ceremonies, and their oral literature (see Native American Literature). The arrival of nonnatives in North America produced some exchange of ideas that affected Native American art, although many concepts remained unchanged.
IITRADITIONAL ARTS BY REGION
Scholars have grouped Native Americans into distinct culture areas on the basis of geographic boundaries, common languages, similar practices, and shared beliefs. This article discusses five principal areas in which art was created: the East, Plains, Southwest, Northwest Coast, and Arctic. Native Americans have their own ideas about their group memberships and histories, and these views may not be the same as those developed by nonnatives.
The forms of Native American art differ significantly from region to region, depending on the requirements of the society’s way of life, belief system, and natural environment, as well as on individual artists’ points of view. A painted tipi made of buffalo hide, which served native inhabitants of the southern Plains well, would not protect Arctic inhabitants from cold and snow. Nor would symbols meant to encourage rain, which were painted on Pueblo pots from the dry Southwest, even be thought of in the rainy Pacific Northwest. In some parts of native North America, individuals own the right to paint or carve specific images that record their own family or personal histories; thus, no one else can create quite the same work of art.
AArts of Eastern Native America
Eastern Native America stretches from the shores of the Atlantic Ocean in the East to the Mississippi Valley in the West. Its southern boundary is the Gulf of Mexico; its northern boundary, the Great Lakes. Surviving artworks from the area date back further than those of any other region. The earliest works from this region were constructed of mounds of earth.
A1Prehistoric Period
During the period from 3000 bc to 1000 bc people of mound-building cultures created massive earthworks in Eastern North America as sites for ceremonies and burial of prominent citizens. The earliest burials contained objects such as knives and spearheads made from hammered copper, and stone pendants and beads carved in the forms of birds and human figures. Artists of the Adena culture, which flourished from 1100 bc to 200 ad in what is now Ohio, engraved curvilinear (curved line) designs and carved elaborate stone pipes. One pipe took the form of a standing man with bent knees, his arms at his sides, wearing large ornaments called ear spools. Hopewell artists in the Ohio area cut delicate flat forms from sheets of mica in the shape of birds, human figures, and large hands. They also carved quite natural-looking birds and animals on stone platform pipes. These figures sat on the pipe’s flat base, or platform, and on some pipes they were part of the pipe bowl. Prominent people of these cultures were buried with a wealth of ornaments, such as jewelry of shells and copper, and headdresses elaborated with animal forms.
The period of Mississippian culture began about 900 ad. The best-known Mississippian earthwork, the Serpent Mound in Ohio, was built in the undulating form of a snake. Spiral designs, which may relate to beliefs about the nature and shape of the universe, appear on many works of art from this period, such as disk-shaped pendants made of shell, copper objects, conch shells (possibly used as cups in ceremonies), and ceramic pots. Other pieces carry the engraved figure of a dancer in elaborate dress. Markings near the dancer’s eyes resemble the patterns on the faces of falcons. These markings suggest that dancers may have impersonated a specific being in performances on ceremonial occasions. Human figures, modeled in clay or carved from stone in the Mississippian Period, suggest wealth and power through their impressive clothing and accessories.
A2Historical Period
European explorers and settlers brought diseases to North America that killed a large portion of the native population in the East during the historical period. Many of the survivors were forced by settlers to leave their traditional lands and regroup elsewhere. Some artistic traditions survived and were transformed by these changes, but others were lost. In some groups, artists preserved tribal practices in images engraved with thin lines on birch bark or recorded tribal histories as symbolic patterns woven into wampum belts. These belts consist of tubular purple and white beads that are made from clam shells, threaded on string, and woven into beaded cloth. Wampum belts were taken out on special occasions when specialists educated to know the meanings of the designs “read” them aloud.
A2aClothing and Adornment
Much native artwork of the Eastern region involved clothing and other items of adornment. The spiral motifs of the Mississippian Period resurfaced in beadwork designs embroidered on fancy sashes, decorative bags, and garments. Bags twined (woven with a finger technique) of natural fibers, animal hair, and wool had patterned images of powerful supernatural beings such as thunderbirds and underwater panthers that played a role in native religions and philosophical thought in the Eastern region. The bags probably contained a collection of special “medicine” or power objects meant to provide spiritual help to the owner.
Women embroidered complex designs out of porcupine quills to decorate clothing and other objects. They colored the whitish, tubular quills by boiling them with dyes. After washing the quills they flattened them and created patterns on hide by attaching the quills with sinew (animal tissue) in rows. Other decorative elements, made by folding, braiding or weaving, could also be sewn onto the hide.
The production of decorated clothing and bags increased after contact with Europeans as a greater variety of textiles and other materials became available through trade. Imported glass beads inspired native women, who quickly adapted quillwork techniques for the creation of beaded apparel. European curvilinear and floral designs of the 19th century proved as meaningful for the native women who worked with them as they were for the nonnative women who purchased and wore them. Native women gained income by selling souvenirs, including beaded and quilled works such as moccasins and pin cushions, and birch bark objects such as miniature canoes, baskets, and boxes that were intricately embroidered with fine moose hair.
A2bMasks
Some men of the Iroquois Nations of upstate New York and Ontario belonged to the False Face Society. Members of this society accepted offerings and performed dances in masks for the purpose of sweeping disease from the community. The society continues its work today. Some Iroquois people have requested that the masks used for this purpose not be placed on public display or included in museum collections. They consider these ceremonies to be private and powerful.
BArts of the Plains
The Plains region stretches from the Mississippi River westward to the eastern foothills of the Rocky Mountains. It includes adjacent areas in Alberta, Canada, to the north, and extends as far as the Gulf of Mexico to the south. Before European contact most Plains groups cultivated crops. Buffalo-hunting was central to their way of life as well.
American literature and mass media have popularized images of Plains Indians on horseback, wearing beaded clothing and feather headdresses. These images represent a period of Plains culture after Spanish settlers had introduced the horse in the early 17th century. Plains life also changed after native peoples acquired guns in trade for fur. With horses and guns, Plains people had greater success in buffalo hunting and could range over a larger territory. More food and additional territory encouraged population growth and the elaboration of artistic and architectural traditions.
B1Riding Gear
The high value Plains peoples placed on horses was reflected in the flamboyant “costuming” of the animals. Beaded martingales (harness straps) might ornament the necks of horses. Symbols were painted on the horses themselves to give them greater power, and some horses wore masks as war regalia. Padded saddles for men had an hourglass shape and a covering of durable skins. Women’s saddles were made with a wood frame, carved with high pommels (saddle fronts) and cantles (saddle backs). Painted or beaded saddlebags showed riders and horses to best advantage on social and ceremonial occasions.
B2Tipi Painting
Cone-shaped tents called tipis (also spelled tepees) were constructed of wooden poles covered with buffalo hides, which women prepared and sewed together with sinew. Prominent families or individuals might treat their tipi as a surface on which men could paint their military exploits or record supernatural experiences gained through dreams or visions. Each painting was unique, but figures in paintings were typically flat, simplified, and shown in profile. Some men rode horses in these images or listed their successes in battle through drawings of stacked guns or other weapons in long rows. In visionary images, men represented their helping spirits, often thunderbirds and eagles, which were sometimes accompanied by powerful bolts of lightning.
B3Clothing and Adornment
Images like those painted on tipis also adorned robes of buffalo hide and elaborate shirts worn by high-ranking men in Plains tribes. These garments might be quilled and beaded as well, in collaboration with a female artist. Men also painted these personal images on their shields and shield covers. In subject matter and linear style, these images recall rock art made in the region hundreds of years earlier.
Traditionally, men and women made different types of art. Representational, relatively naturalistic paintings recorded the experiences of men, whereas the creation of abstract, geometric designs in paint, quillwork, and beads belonged to women. Plains women acquired porcupine quills and quillwork techniques from native women in the Northeast. They also wrapped quills around the long stems of pipes, along with feathers, bird skins, and other items. The pipe stems were then inserted into carved stone pipe bowls. Quills in carefully conceived patterns also adorned clothing, moccasins, bags, tipi liners, and horse gear. Some women claimed that ideas for their most creative arrangements of quills came to them in dreams.
The first glass beads reached the Plains by around 1790. They were relatively large and opaque. Brought to the area on horseback, they were called pony beads, although some people said they got their name because a pound of the beads could be traded for a horse. Pony beads had almost completely replaced quills by about 1840. At that time, smaller “seed beads,” were imported from Italy. More regular in shape, seed beads made it easier to create even, balanced patterns. After World War I (1914-1918), Czechoslovakian glass beads replaced Italian beads. Some native groups developed distinctive beadwork styles. The Western Sioux, for instance, used characteristic thin lines and forked elements on a solid background. The Eastern Sioux beaded with curved lines and floral elements. The Crow produced heavily beaded garments with large diamonds shapes, triangles, and other geometric designs in pinks, lavenders, yellows, blues, and greens often bordered in white.
After about 1900 and relocation on reservations, many native women increased their production of heavily beaded works. They no longer needed to keep their burdens lightweight for a semi-nomadic way of life. Many nonnative collectors of beaded works preferred richly decorated pieces, and women were aware of the tastes of their customers. Marketing these artworks successfully was crucial to income because it was difficult to farm on reservations and other work was hard to find.
Women’s societies honored women for artistic achievement. Prayers and ceremonies accompanied certain acts of decoration, which were considered equivalent to the acts of bravery that brought men honor in warfare. By the 1920s, traditional beadwork was in decline, although some horse tack (saddles, bridles, and other equipment) was still produced for use on holidays and on other public occasions. Today, beading and tailoring are popular again for the creation of elaborate items of traditional-style clothing worn at festivals and dance events called powwows.
Manufactured fabrics became an alternative to hides in the late 19th century, as soldiers, traders, and settlers brought these materials to the Plains. Nonnative people also brought ink and paper with them, and Plains men used ledger books (bound books meant for accounts) in which to make line drawings. Their drawings recorded traditional practices as well as a world that was changing rapidly around them.
CArts of the Southwest
The Southwest, including New Mexico, Arizona, and southern Colorado and Utah, was the home of various native groups with different origins and histories. They include the Pueblo people, who probably descend from the prehistoric Anasazi; the people known today as the Mogollon or Mimbres; and the ancestors of the Pima and Papago, who are called the Hohokam by archaeologists. Apache and Navajo people arrived in the Southwest relatively late from an earlier homeland in western Canada.
C1Pottery
Anasazi women produced remarkable pottery during the prehistoric period. The most numerous examples have geometric designs painted in black on a white background. Mimbres people made white bowls shaped like smooth hemispheres and painted with black lines. Their images range from geometric designs to animals and humans in what looks like the representation of a miniature world. Are the human figures engaged in ritual activities or do they represent legendary figures? No one today knows. Some of the animals are familiar—sheep, fish, and reptiles—but others consist of animal features in unusual combinations and probably represent mythological beings. These bowls are found in burials, placed over the faces of the deceased. Scholars have noted a long-standing Pueblo belief that the sky is a similar dome that arches above the earth. Each bowl had a small hole at its base that might have been considered a passage to the spirit world. The hole also may have referred to distant Pueblo ancestors who were said to have emerged from a hole in the ground to begin their lives on Earth.
During the historical period Pueblo people constructed pottery by hand by stacking coils of clay, smoothing the surface of the clay, and painting the pot with slip (a thin mixture of clay and water) before firing. Pottery types vary from village to village. Women from Acoma Pueblo in New Mexico paint delicate and intricate geometric designs on pots that are made of a fine, lightweight white clay. Potters of the San Ildefonso Pueblo, also in New Mexico, specialize in heavy black on black ware, in which matte black designs appear on a shiny black background, although they also produce works in red. Many of these pots feature images of water serpents, important in legendary histories of the area, or patterns based on feather forms. Although the history of pottery making in a village seems to dictate current styles, anthropologists have found that many Pueblo potters stress the individuality of their designs within those traditions. Many women claim that some of their most original ideas come to them in dreams.
In the early 20th century some talented potters, such as Maria and Julian Martinez of San Ildefonso, became known as artists by signing their names to their works, encouraged by enthusiastic tourists and collectors who wished to purchase their pieces. Maria constructed the pots that Julian painted. Hopi potter Nampeyo became known for designs that are based on ancient potsherds (pottery fragments) recovered from Sikyatki, site of an ancient Hopi village near her pueblo. Nampeyo’s Sikyatki-style pots have characteristic geometric and curved forms that seem to refer to the wings and beaks of birds. Native peoples of the Southwest also are known for their baskets. The shapes, patterns, and weaving styles of these baskets make them recognizable to experts as the work of an artist from a particular native group.
C2Kachina Figures
Many works of art are related to the Kachina religions of Pueblo peoples, best known from the traditions of the Hopi and the Zuni. Kachina has several meanings. Kachinas are spirits closely bound to the agricultural cycle of life, death, and rebirth, which helps explain the appearance and disappearance of kachinas according to the seasons. After death, people themselves are said to join the kachinas in the form of rain clouds. Kachinas are also the name given to costumed dancers who in seasonal ceremonies represent the presence of the kachina spirits in Pueblo life. There are hundreds of different kachinas, yet specific mask features, costumes, colors, and other accessories identify the particular kachina associated with a dancer. Finally, the name kachina also applies to the carved, painted, and decorated figures originally made to educate Pueblo children so that they could recognize the different dancers in ceremonies. Since the start of the 20th century, some artists have made kachina figures for nonnative collectors. Some Pueblo people approve of these sales as a way to make a living, whereas others insist that kachinas are a form of religious art and never meant to be playthings.
C3Textiles and Jewelry
Navajo women are known for their woven textiles made from sheep’s wool, especially blankets for wearing and rugs. Some of these textiles are striped. Others, called chief’s blankets, are patterned with a combination of stripes, crosses, and diamond shapes. During some periods chemical imports replaced natural dyes, with weavers using yarns manufactured by machine. The bright and lively patterns that resulted are called eye dazzlers. At other times weavers have responded to demands of purchasers and made textiles with natural materials in softer colors that buyers considered more authentic.
Navajo artists also work in silver, using methods developed from those first taught to Navajos by a Mexican blacksmith around 1850. Early works in silver include belt buckles and horse gear such as bridles. Today, Navajo people wear intricate silver jewelry including pieces set with turquoise and other stones. They also sell this jewelry to outsiders. Zuni jewelers are known for complex mosaic inlays of colored stones set in complex patterns in their silverwork.
C4Sand Painting
An art form for which Navajo healers have become widely known is sand painting, an elaborate kind of dry painting made for ritual purposes. At the ritual the healer sings about the legendary Holy People (Navajo creator gods and cultural heroes). Some of the songs or chants take years to memorize. The healer then makes images from dry materials, such as sand, crushed stone, and plant pollen, according to strict design formulas. The patient sits upon the painting itself to be restored to a state of harmony and health. Finally, the healer destroys the dry painting he has assembled with great effort, to allow the materials to return to the earth. Today, some Navajo artists weave rugs that resemble sand paintings or glue sand in place on boards to create the same effect. These works are sold in shops and art galleries and are not considered to have the powerful effect of those created by ritual healers.
DArts of the Northwest Coast
The Northwest Coast region includes parts of southeastern Alaska, British Columbia, Washington, and Oregon. Climate and environment play key roles in the cultural and artistic practices that are characteristic of the area. Although many people associate dark nights and freezing temperatures with the region, southeastern Alaska and British Columbia are warmed by the Japan Current and have very wet, temperate climates. Rain forests cover much of the land, and beaches run along the coast. Not surprisingly, native economies in the Northwest depend heavily on fishing, especially for salmon, and on hunting sea mammals such as whales and seals. These creatures are all frequent subjects of Northwest Coast art.
D1Totem Poles
The abundance of lumber from Northwest forests fostered the development of woodworking techniques. Native peoples of the Northwest used these techniques in making totem poles, an original Northwest Coast art form, as well as in building canoes and houses from wooden planks. Totem poles consist of stacked, interconnected images that are carved and painted. These images record family histories and identify the ancestry and affiliations of chiefs and other high-ranking members of the community. Some totem poles were built as memorials to important chiefs and may have niches or supports for the chief’s remains.
D2Potlatch Ceremonies
Another factor that influenced arts of the Northwest Coast was social standing. Traditionally, Northwest groups such as the Haida, Kwakwaka’wakw (Kwakiutl), Nuu-chah-nulth (Nootka), and Tlingit lived in hierarchical (ranked) societies that categorized people as chiefs, commoners, or slaves. People acquired high rank as well as privileges regarding territory and rituals by having a heroic ancestor or ancestors who had encountered a supernatural being or an extraordinary animal. Each generation maintained their privileges and those of their descendents by hosting ceremonies called potlatches. The word potlatch derives from the word “to give” in Chinook jargon, a simplified version of the Chinook language used in trade. In these ceremonial gatherings the family enhanced its prestige by giving payments and gifts to those who listened to and remembered the family history. Wealthy and important families might hold potlatches to confirm a person’s new title or to commemorate an event in the life of a community member, such as birth, puberty, marriage, or death.
Many Native American and Native Canadian communities in the Northwest Coast region continue to hold potlatches to remind young people of the histories of their families and social groups. Sometimes a potlatch dedicates a newly built house. The ceremonies vary from group to group, but they usually incorporate speechmaking or oratory about prestigious histories and are often accompanied by masked dances. The masks take different forms. Some resemble human faces whereas others look like the fantastic faces of supernatural creatures. Some masks split open during a dance, when the performer tugs on strings, to transform into a second creature. Potlatches traditionally took place in a communal house, and the setting required additional works of art such as carved houseposts, painted screens, and dishes for the accompanying feast. Participants wore regalia (artistic dress) related to their social position.
D3Family Crests
Northwest Coast practices, including potlatches and the maintenance of social status, gave rise to the creation of images of humans, animals, and supernatural beings for use as emblems called crests. The crests are carved and painted on totem poles, the facades of houses, interior screens, boxes, feast dishes, and other objects. For designing crests Northwest artists originated a graphic art system now known as formline. In formline a continuous line, usually black, narrows and widens as it sweeps through an entire composition, outlining the most important shapes of the creatures represented. These abstract shapes that make up a crest creature are called ovoids, U-shapes, and trigons (T-shapes). Secondary design elements are usually painted red, although in some cases artists reverse the use of red and black. Less important forms are usually painted blue-green. The shape of the object on which the crests are painted tends to influence the composition more than the physical appearance of the creature itself does.
D4Shaman Art
Shamans, people with the special ability to communicate with the spirit world, benefited their communities by healing the sick, affecting the weather, or guiding hunters to game. Shamans had their own, unusual works of art, including masks, charms, and other ornaments. These objects represented the supernatural creatures that helped shamans in their work. In many of these works, octopuses, fishing birds, and animals not known in the physical world appear to be interconnected. The skeletal structures are sometimes visible as well, an indication of the shaman’s special ability to see right through the animals.
EArts of the Arctic
Parts of Alaska, Canada, and Greenland lie at latitudes near the Arctic Circle where long hours of daylight during summer are followed by periods of almost total darkness in winter. Extreme cold and difficult terrain present a challenge to habitation. To protect themselves from the cold, human inhabitants of the Arctic built heat-trapping igloos (ice houses) and earth lodges and wore specialized clothing. They also developed hunting skills and exceptional artistry based on their belief that certain objects of beauty helped them in hunting and other important activities. As in other regions, the animals that the people depended upon for food—for example, seals, walruses, whales, fish, caribou, and polar bears—figured in many of their works of art.
E1Clothing
Arctic peoples made clothing primarily from caribou hide, but they also used sealskin, walrus, and other furs. Winter garments were constructed in two layers: an inner one with fur facing the wearer’s skin, and an outer one with fur facing outward. Hooded parkas overlapped pants for additional protection from the cold. Parkas had decorative insets or borders of geometric designs constructed from a patchwork of different colored skins. Hoods were edged with fur ruffs. The more highly decorated outfits were worn on ceremonial occasions; after contact with outsiders, these items were offered for sale. Other garments acted as waterproof rain gear or protected the wearer from sea spray when in a kayak or umiak (large, open boat). These garments were finely tailored of seal gut (intestines) and decorated with fur, embroidery, or feathers.
E2Masks
During the 19th century missionaries and others collected a wealth of artworks related to the traditional dances—including masked religious dances—of the Yup’ik and Inupiaq people of Alaska. In their efforts to convert the Arctic peoples to Christianity, the missionaries also suppressed traditional religious ceremonies. The activities of collectors and missionaries were so successful that masked dancing had completely disappeared from the region by the beginning of the 20th century. Cultural programs today are encouraging the revival of mask making and traditional dance performances.
The Yup’ik used masks for performances of songs, dances, and stories related to religious practice. Because wood was scarce in the Arctic region, they carved the masks from driftwood. The mask forms represented a range of animals and mythological beings, and made their spirits, called inua, visible. In many masks the inua appeared as small, secondary faces inserted within the overall composition. These spirits represented a category of creatures, such as the fox, rather than the soul of an individual animal.
Shamans or their representatives wore masks at festivals or in individual performances to demonstrate their ability to communicate with spirit beings as a service to their community. Some performances recalled the shaman’s first encounter with his personal helping spirits. A bird mask, for example, might open its mouth to show the spirit inside, or the inua might be carved on the stomach of an animal mask. Many Yup’ik masks are surrounded by bent wooden hoops that support small carvings of seal flippers, fish, or four-fingered humanlike hands. Other masks had painted frames that recalled the realms where shamans traveled in spirit: under the water, in the air, or on land. Certain masks may have been used at festivals that honored the spirits of game animals. The souls of seals and other creatures were believed to reside in their bladders. Hunters saved the bladders each season and after the festivals returned them to the water they had been taken from.
E3Ivory Carvings
Archaeologists have recovered ancient carvings of walrus ivory in the Arctic. Carvers created figurines (tiny figures) of women and delicately engraved harpoon heads from about 1,500 to 2,200 years ago. Ipiutak artists made intricate burial masks that combine the features of humans and animals. They also carved continuous chains from a single walrus tusk and created many elegant images of loons. Punuk artists, who worked from about 800 to 1,500 years ago, carved wrist guards that protected their wrists from the slap of a bowstring after the string was released. The wrist guards, as well as carved snow goggles and other objects, were engraved with decorative lines, which typically ran along the edge of an object as if to form a frame. In the Canadian Arctic, Thule artists created small, portable carvings of humans and animals at about the same time as Punuk artists worked, and Dorset carvers later specialized in polar bears.
Life changed dramatically for Arctic people in the 20th century as nonnatives settled in their territory. Many lost their livelihood or died of diseases to which the outsiders had exposed them. In the American Arctic, some individuals earned their living as ivory carvers, drawing upon traditions of the past. They engraved ivory tusks, cribbage boards, and other objects and filled in the engraved lines with soot or other blackening agents. In the Canadian Arctic, government-sponsored programs from the mid-20th century on encouraged handicraft industries that could improve the quality of life for Canadian Inuit people. Soapstone carvings of game animals and of Inuit in traditional dress became the most commercially successful works. Artists continue to work in this material today, but they have become more experimental in their forms. Printmakers, trained in workshops, produce stone-cut prints and lithographs that describe the Inuit way of life.
IIICONTEMPORARY NATIVE AMERICAN ART
Contact with European Americans, for the most part, proved enormously damaging to the continuation of traditional Native American cultural activities, religious ceremonies, and artistic practices. Yet despite illness, economic disadvantage, lack of political power, and inadequate educational and employment opportunities, Native Americans have not forgotten the histories and traditional practices that make their cultures distinct.
AMaintaining Artistic Traditions
A number of cultural events bring different groups of native people together and encourage the production of artworks. In the Eastern United States, for instance, the Mashantucket Pequot in Connecticut host a large annual powwow known as the Celebration of Green Corn, or Schemitzun. Like other contemporary powwows, it features dance competitions accompanied by drums, traditional-style foods, and the sale of jewelry and other artworks. Women and men make stunning new outfits for the powwow based upon the styles worn by their ancestors. Many of these are heavily beaded. People of Tlingit and other Northwest Coast ancestries gather every two years in Juneau, Alaska, to dance at an event called Celebration, express pride in their culture, and introduce children and grandchildren to hereditary crests and traditional practices.
In the late 20th century and early 21st century, most contemporary Native artists on the Northwest Coast continued to work in traditional styles. Kwakwaka’wakw (Kwakiutl) sculptor Tony Hunt and Haida artist Robert Davidson carved and painted totem poles and masks. They based these works on traditional design rules but have developed their own styles. Their works are used at potlatches or sold at art galleries to collectors. Printmaking became popular among Northwest Coast artists in the late 1960s, and images based on crest creatures in the formline tradition appear in many prints.
A few Northwest Coast artists are more experimental. Kwakwaka’wakw (Kwakiutl) printmaker Doug Cranmer, for instance, experimented with abstract shapes derived from the forms of canoes. Coast Salish artist Susan Point works with carved glass, stainless steel, and other unusual materials in three-dimensional works. The paintings of Cowichan-Salish artist Lawrence Paul Yuxweluptun address a range of issues, many of them controversial and political. His works feature humanlike creatures with masks instead of heads, operating in landscapes made up of distorted elements derived from the formline tradition.
Artists from other regions adopted concepts and materials from nonnative art earlier in the 20th century. On the Plains, a watercolor painting tradition began in the 1920s with the formation of a group called the Kiowa Five. The artists in this group—Spencer Asah, James Auchiah, Jack Hokeah, Stephen Mopope, and Monroe Tsatoke—attended art classes at the University of Oklahoma. They specialized in depictions of traditional native life in which figures in ceremonial dress appear on a solid-colored background. Their style is reminiscent of the Plains ledger art produced in the last quarter of the 19th century.
In the Southwest during the 1920s, some nonnatives encouraged art education as a means of preserving the beauty and history of native life. Pueblo painters Crescencio Martinez, Tonita Pena, and Awa Tsirah got their start at San Ildefonso Pueblo, not far from Santa Fe, New Mexico, from a schoolteacher who encouraged her students to draw. Martinez was later commissioned by an American archaeologist to paint watercolors of the ceremonial dancers at San Ildefonso. Many of these artists were interested in the depiction of traditional dress, which they painted in great detail.
In 1932 an influential nonnative teacher named Dorothy Dunn established The Studio for Native Painting in Santa Fe. She advised a generation of native artists to study traditional works such as pottery designs and murals painted on the walls of ceremonial structures called kivas. Although some Plains artists studied hide paintings and ledger-book drawings, the studio stressed models from the Southwest. Paintings from the studio tended to be extremely precise line drawings showing figures in native dress on flat backgrounds. Other works showed an idealized past in a decorative style sought by nonnative buyers. Artist Pop Chalee from Taos Pueblo worked in the “Studio style.” His painting Enchanted Forest, for example, depicted wide-eyed and elegantly elongated deer that cavort through a forest of decorative plants.
BContemporary Experimentation
The next important development in the education of native artists was the establishment of programs run by Native Americans. The Indian art program at Bacone College began in 1935 in Muskogee, Oklahoma. Among the people who ran it are Creek-Pawnee Acee Blue Eagle and Creek-Potowatami Willie Crumbo. In 1962 the Institute of American Indian Art (IAIA) in Santa Fe was established to encourage greater artistic experimentation by native artists. IAIA produced one of the best-known contemporary native artists, Fritz Scholder, a Luiseño who commented on the plight of Native Americans in such works as Indian Wrapped in Flag, painted around the time of the United States bicentennial in 1976. As the United States celebrated its 200th anniversary, thoughtful artists raised such questions as what it means to be an American and what it means to paint like an American Indian. T. C. Cannon’s woodcut Osage with Van Gogh or Collector #5 (1980) reverses past roles by showing a Native American man as a collector of nonnative art. Today, many young Indian artists attend mainstream art schools.
Native American artists of the late 20th and early 21st centuries work in a variety of materials and styles. A number of them claim a special relationship to nature when asked about their work. For instance, Walla Walla artist James Lavadour makes multi-paneled paintings that appear to be somewhat abstract but also refer to the landscape. Lavadour claims that his paintings reflect his experience of growing up on a reservation in northeastern Oregon and his thoughts about his relationship with his home, family, and native identity.
Luiseño-Digueño performance artist James Luna draws inspiration from both the native and nonnative worlds. His Artifact Piece (1990) referred to the relationship between museums and native people, and commented on the way that museums have treated native people more as objects of study than as human beings. In this work Luna reclined inside a museum exhibition case, naked except for a breechcloth. He surrounded himself with artifacts from his personal life: his divorce papers, college diplomas, photos, clothing, and so forth.
Cheyenne-Arapaho artist Hachevi Edgar Heap of Birds has used varied materials to make conceptual art pieces that are about ideas as well as art-making. A number of his works use language and its associations. In one series of two-panel works, for example, he wrote words in different colors on one panel and painted the other panel with similarly colored, abstract forms that resemble leaves. Heap of Birds also used billboards to make public political statements. In his “Native Hosts” series, he installed signs at six locations in North America that named the indigenous group that originally inhabited each location. A sign in New York, for example, said, “Today your host is Shinnecock,” reminding nonnative onlookers of the people they had displaced.
Chippewa artist Jane Ash Poitras from Alberta uses paint, photographic images, and other elements on her canvases. Her three-panel piece Shaman Never Die V: Indigena (1990), for instance, expressed her feelings about the contempt of outsiders for traditional native religion and the need to focus once again upon native spirituality for healing purposes.
Early in his career, Jimmie Durham, a Cherokee artist, worked on paintings and mixed media pieces that most people recognized as American Indian. His paintings represented animal skulls, and his dangerous-looking constructions incorporated bone, hide, feathers, beads, and other materials. In the early 2000s Durham continued to incorporate found objects, but they included such items as refrigerators and maps. He drew and wrote on paper as well and posted some of his drawings and texts on the World Wide Web (One work could be seen at http://uinic.de/alex/en/Durham/index.html).
Cherokee painter Kay Walkingstick works in acrylic, oil paint, and wax on canvases in two sections, placed side by side. One side has an expressively painted landscape and the other an abstract image. She builds up layers of paint on parts of the canvas, and cuts or scrapes away the paint in other areas.
Two artists from the Eastern region work with photographic images: Mohawk photographer and filmmaker Shelly Niro and Tuscarora installation artist Jolene Rickard. Niro hand-colored her photographs and decoratively framed them with simple patterns that come from traditional beadwork designs. Images such as Mohawks in Beehives (1991) and The Iroquois is a Matriarchal Society (1991) featured her sisters and mother having fun before the camera, but brought together to pose important questions about the nature of contemporary life for native women. Niro’s works in film include It Starts with a Whisper (1993) and Honey Moccasin (1997). Both combined joyous humor and serious soul-searching. Rickard incorporated photographic images into works of installation art that took their subjects from legendary history, political activism, and the relationship that Iroquoian people insist upon maintaining with their traditional land. In Corn Blue Room (1998), for example, ears of corn are suspended among photographic images that recall contemporary issues in native life.
Many other contemporary Native American artists are experimenting with challenging new media and concepts that are as familiar to them as they are to other contemporary artists in the United States and Canada. At the same time, these Native American artists strive to maintain their traditional relationships with family, land, and history.